এডিটর’স মাইন্ড

No one protested that day, will do in future?


প্রকাশ: 20/08/2022


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Tomorrow is August 21. On this day in 2004, another terrible incident happened in the politics of Bangladesh. The people of Bangladesh witnessed horrible madness of creating another 15th august. An indiscriminate grenade attack was carried out on the Awami League rally on Bangabandhu Avenue. The goal was only one - to kill Sheikh Hasina. Remove her from the world. The Awami League president miraculously survived that day. But 23 innocent lives were lost including Ivy Rahman. Hundreds were injured. Many were crippled and are still witnessing the painful memories. Those of us who were eyewitnesses to that incident, who saw death up close that day, have many questions in our minds. How horrible and violent can the ruling political party be to do such an act under state sponsorship? Besides, I find one thing very surprising. Awami League is such a big organization. So many leaders and workers. After the August 21 grenade attack, was Awami League able to protest politically? Awami League called a strike the day after the incident. Many people like me thought that there would be a mass uprising after this incident. The country will become immobile. Awami League will roar against the attempt of eliminating political opponents in such a fascist manner. Awami League President barely survived. Her mental state is easy to imagine. In such a situation, the general secretary of the party and other leaders will come to the streets. Disable everything. But where? Leaders are confused. Activists looked for bold programs. After the events of 2004, the apathy of the Awami League leaders surprised me. What would Awami League do, if the goal of BNP-Jamaat was fulfilled that day. Could the Awami League have protested? Could they have resisted?


Whenever August 21 comes around, this question keeps bothering me. I have been getting links to this idea for several years. Awami League president is questioning the role of Awami League without protest, without resistance in 1975. 


On the occasion of National Mourning Day, Awami League's official discussion meeting was held the next day on August 16. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina presided over the meeting held at the Bangabandhu International Conference Centre. After a long time, the direct presence of the Awami League president has energized the leaders and workers. Especially the workers are excited. In the president's speech at the event, Sheikh Hasina again expressed her regret, ‘Why was there no protest during the killing of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu? The father of the nation also called many people. Where were they? Not a single person dared to come forward! Not a single person protested! Why couldn’t they? Sheikh Hasina said, such a big organization. So many people. No one dared to say a word. So many slogans – ‘We are there, where Bangabandhu is. Where were those people? Everyone is there when you are alive. When you die, there is no one.’ 


This speech of the Prime Minister is full of philosophical thought. Realization of brutal reality. Bangabandhu daughter has been asking these questions about Awami League for three years. The failure, incompetence and cowardice of the Awami League leaders after August 15, 1975 is a mysterious chapter in the politics of Bangladesh. When the bloody lifeless body of Bangabandhu was lying at Dhanmondi 32, almost all the members of the Awami League cabinet rushed to Bangabhaban to take oath! Seemed like they were blessed to be the slaves of the murderer Mostaq. The bureaucrats pledged allegiance to the murderous government. Just three days before Bangabandhu's murder, the murderer Mostaq said, 'I will give my life if necessary to make the second revolution a success.' Another companion of the killer, Taher Uddin Tagore, said, 'I will give my life if necessary to build Bangabandhu's golden Bengal.' But these leaders wrote their names as "traitors" in history. Senior leaders who did not join Killer's cabinet were also silent. No protest. They could not even give an order to the workers to come to the streets. Even the four national leaders could not call for resistance before being arrested. On August 17, murderer Mostaq met Bangabandhu’s Prime Minister M. Mansoor Ali. Four national leaders were arrested on August 23. Shafiullah appointed the murderer Mostaq as army chief till August 23. Bangabandhu's outgoing Private Secretary Farasuddin Ahmed went to USA for higher education with Moshtaq's NOC. Did they do this out of fear? I don't think so. There were traitors and opportunistic among them. Why Awami League leaders could not stand up to the crisis of 1975? Could not protest with courage. A little deeper review of this speech of the Awami League president shows that not only in the crisis of '75, some leaders of Awami League get confused in any crisis. Can't play proper roles. In March 1957, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani left the post of Awami League president. A democratic convention was held in Dhaka on July 25-26 of that year at the initiative of Bhashani. National Awami Party (NAP) made its debut through this. The Awami League was divided. History has made justice to that decision of Maulana Bhashani. In 1958, in the context of Ayub Khan's military rule, political activities were banned. Many Awami League leaders were affected by the fallacy of inaction at that time. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became the savior of Awami League. A working committee meeting of Awami League was held at Bangabandhu's residence on January 25 and 26, 1964. It was decided to revive the party in the meeting. In the revived party, Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish remained as president and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as general secretary. Awami League Council was held on March 6 and 7 of that year at the Eden Hotel premises in Dhaka. Maulana Tarkabagish and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman remain as president and general secretary respectively. But Maulana Tarkabagish was confused about the six-point demand. On February 6, 1966 in Lahore, Bangabandhu formally presented the six-points, the charter of Bengali liberation. After returning to Dhaka, Bangabandhu convened a meeting of the working committee of the Awami League. The father of the nation formally raised six points in the meeting of the working committee on February 13, 1966. But President Maulana Abdur Rasheed Tarkabagish opposed it. He left the meeting with some of his followers. This confusion threw Tarkabagish out of the mainstream of politics. Six points were approved in that meeting. On March 18, 1966, the Awami League council again got the final approval of the six points. Bangabandhu was elected president of Awami League in that council. 


Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib was released from Dhaka Central Jail on the night of January 17, 1968. But he was arrested again at the jail gate. Then the "Agartala Conspiracy Case" started. Bangabandhu was imprisoned in Dhaka Cantonment. On June 19, 1968, the Agartala Conspiracy Case began in the Cantonment Military Court. At this time, many important leaders of the Awami League at the top level were confused. They were without protest, without resistance. Bangmata Begum Mujib kept Awami League alive. 11 points were formulated in 1969 at the initiative of the students' society. An unopposed Student Movement was formed in 1969 on 11 points based on 6 points. Ayub Khan called a round table meeting with the political parties to stop the movement. Many leaders of Awami League compromised with the announcement that Bangabandhu would be released on parole. They took a position in favor of joining the round table meeting. But Begum Mujib rejected the offer of parole. Here too, many Awami League leaders failed to take bold and correct decisions in the crisis.


It was during the liberation war of 1971 that the murderer Mostaq ran with the proposal of confederation with Pakistan. The seeds of treachery were sown in the Mujibnagar government itself. 


After the Awami League president came to the country in 1981, the confusion, misdirection and betrayal of the Awami League leaders have been seen repeatedly in various crises. Korban Ali, who did not join the cabinet of the murderous Mostaq, could not restrain from the halwa-rooties of Ershad. Whose interests did Abdur Razzak break up the party? Other leaders could not stand in any crisis. Among them, the grenade attack on 21 August 2004 and the 1-11 crisis of 2007 are the most discussed. Just as the Awami League could not resist after the grenade attack in 2004, the failure, cowardice and betrayal of the Awami League leaders were fulfilled during the 1-11 of 2007. In 2004, there was a conspiracy to physically kill Sheikh Hasina. In 2007, a blueprint was formulated to kill her politically. Most of the top leaders of Awami League became reformists as part of this conspiracy. Gave idea to minus Sheikh Hasina. After the arrest of Sheikh Hasina, many people dreamed of taking the leadership of Awami League. 


Is there any difference between those who swore allegiance to the murderer Mostaq in Bangabhaban in 1975 and those who mourned reform in 2007? 


As in 1975, after the assassination of Bangabandhu, Awami League leaders were without protest. Many behaved like cowards. Many did not protest the killing of Bangabandhu even from abroad. Some leaders of Awami League repeated the same thing in 2007, what some leaders of Awami League did in 1975. If the Awami League ever falls into a crisis in the future, then the confused, timid and fugitive leaders will have the majority. Grassroots workers will be waiting for instructions like '75. But the leaders won’t be able to show some courage then. Sheikh Hasina also knows this very well. That's why she said in her August 16 speech, "I don't expect anything from anyone". After the crisis of 1975 or 2007, the important leaders of Awami League were sitting quietly like statues. In both cases, a section of the Awami League was involved in the conspiracy. The events of 1975 were caused by loyalist leaders. They were part of the conspiracy. Similarly, some leaders loyal to the Awami League president were also used as a ladder to sit in the power of the unelected government of one-eleven. To whom she gave more than they deserved. Their role is not less in bringing one-eleven. The danger lies here. No one will come forward if something happens. But the grassroots of Awami League should be alert so that nothing unpleasant happens. Instead of thinking about what will happen after it happens, trying to prevent it is the right way. Sheikh Hasina recently said in several speeches, "There is a conspiracy to oust me." Is this conspiracy only from outside the Awami League? History says, Awami League could never be defeated without domestic betrayal. Therefore, it is not possible that those who are plotting will not bait the greedy people of Awami League. Just as the killer Mostaq and his gang were part of the conspiracy in 2007, can anyone swear that they are still not part of the conspiracy? 


In '75, those who were closest to Bangabandhu, used to praise and flatter Bangabandhu, those who surrounded Bangabandhu became part of the conspiracy. Same thing happened in 2007. Those who became organizing secretary of Awami League due to Sheikh Hasina's generosity, became joint general secretary, those who got huge posts like 'Political Secretary' due to Sheikh Hasina's kindness, those whom Sheikh Hasina gave a new identity were indulging in the ugly game of minus her from politics. So now there are those in the government who hang around the Prime Minister all the time. One should be aware of those who Praise her all the time, who just came and got a big promotion, got heaven like ministry. They are the conspirators. Looking at their cute faces and demeanor, it can be understood that the hunger of greed has not yet been quenched. In 1975, Bangabandhu's government private secretary was going abroad for higher education. Did he know something was up? Even during this period, the government officials in the position of 'trustee' of the Prime Minister are grabbing jobs abroad. Why? Got any signal? Commerce Minister of '75 Mostaq used to talk a lot. Taher Uddin Tagore, Shah Moazzem, KM Obaidur Rahman used to talk a lot. They used to annoy the people by talking too much. Used to embarrass the government. Tried to confuse Bangabandhu. Still some government ministers are playing the same game. 


Who is being pointed to by shouting 'Khela Hobe' 'Khela Hobe'? Who is calling for war when the Prime Minister says not to 'disturb the opposition'? For what purpose? Do they want to bring another one-eleven by rioting Awami League-BNP? Now those who talk like ‘Heaven, Eat It’, mocking foreign friends and ambassadors like local gangsters - need to be careful about them. Some of the ministers have been creating controversy lately for their inappropriate talk. Embarrassing the government. Whether it is part of a conspiracy to create unnecessary public vexation needs to be investigated. What message did a leader of Awami League suddenly give to the nation by saying 'I will go to jail, I will not escape'? Why are the bureaucrats now speaking contradictory? Bangabandhu's picture is disappearing in the advertisement of National Mourning Day at the behest of which minister? Awami League and people should be careful from them. These incompetents who speak inappropriately outside of their duties conspire with the conspirators. Because the conspirators will never succeed without the help of these insiders. Lately their leaps have increased. When they talk more, it is suspected that these guys are digging the tunnel of destruction? A human wall is needed against conspirators. Leaders like Mohammad Hanif saved Sheikh Hasina on August 21, 2004 with a human wall. Now real Awami League leaders and workers have to build a human wall. The flatterers, greedy, selfish and petty people surrounding Sheikh Hasina must be broken. She should be given the real information. There is no one but Sheikh Hasina for the real leaders, workers of Awami League, marginalized people and the common people.



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