Mohan Raihan, a poet, writer, and a prominent student leader of the 90s, is deeply connected to the struggle for national reformation and subsequent resistance against military rule in post-independence Bangladesh. Committed to societal change, he played a pivotal role. On March 24, 1982, when General Ershad imposed military rule in the country, it was under Mohan Raihan's leadership that the first protest procession emerged from Madhu's Canteen. On January 11, 1983, he also led the first student uprising against military autocracy. In the turbulent 90s, this bold student leader engaged in extensive discussions with Bangla Insider about contemporary politics. The interview was conducted by the Staff Reporter Md. Oliul Islam.

Bangla Insider: To understand the essence of the sacrifice of Noor Hossain, we want to ask: Is it true that, through his self-sacrifice, the downfall of Ershad's military dictatorship was made inevitable?

Mohan Raihan: Today is November 10th, Noor Hossain Day. It has been declared a national day. Noor Hossain made a sacrifice for the nation. Indeed, it was through his act of self-sacrifice that the downfall of Ershad's military dictatorship became inevitable.

Bangla Insider: What were the intense desires of an autorickshaw driver like Noor towards democracy? Could you shed some light on this?

Mohan Raihan: Noor Hossain was an autorickshaw driver in his personal life. He carried the slogan "Let Democracy Be Saved" on his chest and "Free Democracy" on his back, walking the streets. This proves how intense the democratic consciousness and aspirations of the common people were in the democratic movement of Bangladesh. The active participation of ordinary workers, farmers, rickshaw pullers, and laborers in all our democratic movements, including the Language Movement of '52, the mass upsurge of '69, the armed struggle of '71, and the anti-Ershad democratic movements, played an essential role in pursuing/achieving success.

Bangla Insider: The anti-Ershad democratic movement began under your leadership. Could you tell us a bit more about that?

Mohan Raihan: On March 24, 1982, Ershad unlawfully seized power. The very next day, under my leadership, a procession of 15 to 20 students emerged from Dhaka University's Madhu's Canteen. Simultaneously, under the leadership of Nurul Kabir, currently the editor of the English daily New Age, another procession emerged with the slogan "Reject Martial Law, Save Democracy." Towards the end of this procession, when we returned to Madhu's Canteen, the top leaders of all student organizations scorned us, labeled us as extremists, and quickly abandoned Madhu's Canteen. Even my own organization, JASAD, and its leader, criticized us. They said, "We haven't taken any decisions centrally, you have already started a procession without any discussion. Do you think you can start a movement just like that?" I replied that I've learned from politics; martial law has been declared in the country, and we must protest. There's no need for anyone's permission. Let's initiate the movement this way.

Bangla Insider: Despite Majid Khan's educational policy, you and your group protested, playing a role in the anti-military rule movement. Can you tell us more about this?

Mohan Raihan: Ershad not only illegally seized power but also declared an oppressive education policy known nationwide as Majid Khan's education policy. We, the students, protested against this policy and simultaneously initiated a movement against military rule. We engaged in discussions with various student organizations. On September 17, 1982, focusing on Education Day, we organized a silent procession at the University of Dhaka. During that time, a few student organizations collectively staged a silent procession in the Kalabhaban courtyard of Dhaka University. Through this, the Student Struggle Council was formed to prepare for an anti-military rule movement.

Bangla Insider: How was the “Chhatra Sangram Parishad” formed?

Mohan Raihan: On November 7, 1982, following the Civil Uprising of the masses, the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal student wing organized a mass procession. However, the police invaded the university and subjected students, even teachers, to widespread brutality. Students were beaten in classrooms, harassed, and repressed. During this time, Nurul Alam Bapari, a teacher at Dhaka University, was brutally assaulted in the name of punishment. Several prominent leaders of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal student wing, including Sharif Khan, were seriously injured. Taking this incident as the central point, we, the leaders of 14 student organizations, united to form the Chhatra Sangram Parishad and declared a nationwide plan to break the shackles of military rule on January 11.

Bangla Insider: Your “Chhatra Sangram Parishad” faced opposition from major political parties like Awami League and BNP when you tried to conduct activities under its banner. What was the reason for this?

Mohan Raihan: We adopted a Mass signature campaign as part of our extensive preparations against Majid Khan’s education policy. We successfully educated hundreds of thousands of students within a month. On January 11, we officially announced our plan to break military rule, leading a peaceful procession from Dhaka University to Shahid Minar, a call that alarmed the martial government. Political parties such as Awami League, BNP, leaders like Sheikh Hasina, and Khaleda Zia told student leaders, “We are not ready. Withdraw your plan.” Finally, it was decided that on January 11, the student procession would go up to Shahid Minar, and they wouldn't enter the educational institutions. However, ordinary students didn't heed this warning. On January 11, 1982, only 28 leaders from 14 student organizations led the procession to Shahid Minar, while leaders and activists from all organizations surrounded the educational institutions. We officially broke military rule through a peaceful procession. Looking back, everyone writes about that day. On that day, we all successfully shattered military rule peacefully, bringing a peaceful procession back to the university. Despite the readiness of the martial government with military forces, the courage to fire bullets into a gathering of students and widespread student opposition, they did not dare to open fire. That day, regular students broke into the DUCSU Bhavan building, questioning why everyone involved in all movements had become rebels. Subsequently, we, the leaders of all student organizations, joined together to discuss our strategy and formulated new plans for the movement.

Bangla Insider: How did the events of February 14 impact the movement?

Mohan Raihan: The one-month preparation for the February 14 program followed the January 11 plan. We were once again prepared for February 14, and we disseminated information throughout the country. On February 14, students of the Chhatra Sangram Parishad gathered at the Shahid Minar, defying martial law. However, the procession towards the educational institution was stopped in front of the Shishu Academy as per Ershad's orders. Shots were fired, resulting in the deaths of Jafar, Joynal, Kanchan, and Mozammel, among many other students. They took away Joynal's body, surrounded the university, arrested many students, and subjected them to torture, causing the university to close down. Some days later, when the university reopened, we once again prepared for the movement. As part of our preparations, we called for various strikes, took various measures, and engaged in extensive promotion throughout all schools and colleges across Bangladesh. During the movement, student leaders Shahjahan Siraj of Rajshahi University was shot and killed during a labor strike, and Tajul Islam, a leader of the Communist Party, was also assassinated. Later, Rohan, a leader of the National Student League, was shot dead. We organized massive demonstrations in Dhaka, which saw the participation of cultural activists, writers, poets, intellectuals, workers, and ordinary citizens who gradually joined our movement.

Bangla Insider: How did the final days of Ershad's autocratic rule unfold?

Mohan Raihan: As the protest gained momentum, the repressive regime became even more ruthless and authoritarian. On November 10, 1987, they assassinated Nur Hossen by gunfire, which further intensified the protests. In response to this brutal murder, various political parties called for a nationwide dawn-to-dusk strike on November 11 and 12. The movement gained even more momentum, culminating in widespread public outrage and uprisings on December 6, leading to the downfall of Ershad's autocracy. The era of Ershad's autocratic rule came to a gruesome end after nearly a decade.

Bangla Insider: Are we giving back enough for all the sacrifices made?

Mohan Raihan: Are we really achieving the dreams of our martyrs, who sacrificed so much blood and life for our liberation war, today? Sadly, the answer is no. The dreams our martyrs had, the struggle we waged, the sacrifices we endured, the arrests we faced, and the oppression we tolerated – have we truly achieved the democratic, non-discriminatory Bangladesh they envisioned?

Bangla Insider: How do you see the state of our democracy today, from your perspective?

Mohan Raihan: Today, do we have the right to speak our minds in this country? Is the integrity of our elections guaranteed today? Our entire nation has fallen into a pit of corruption, lawlessness, and a climate of fear. Our parliament is now dominated by businessmen, and many of them are involved in corruption. The common people are suffering due to skyrocketing prices. Religious extremism and communal violence are rampant. Where is the Bangladesh of our liberation war today?

Bangla Insider: Will the sacrifices of Nur Hossen and others go in vain?

Mohan Raihan: Naturally, today we ask whether the sacrifices of Nur Hossen and others will go in vain. This question should be asked by every one of us. If we remain silent, if we become indifferent today, then it will not work. If we close our eyes to the atrocities happening in this country, it will not work. I don't understand how Sheikh Hasina can remain silent when the country is plagued by corruption, lawlessness, and a reign of fear. Doesn't she hear or see it?

Bangla Insider: Why don't we see you actively involved in current politics?

Mohan Raihan: I have distanced myself from politics because the principles, policies, and character that defined politics in our time are no longer present. Today, politics is in the hands of politicians. Today, journalism is in the hands of the media mafia. The media, including newspapers, radio, and television, is controlled by the mafia. The journalists whom I respected, loved, and admired in the past no longer exist. It saddens me deeply. Today, November 10th is Nur Hossen Day. Nur Hossen was an auto-rickshaw driver. He gave his life today. What did he want in his life? We need to think about this anew today. We need to speak up again today. Those of us who believed in the cause of independence, who participated in the liberation war, who sacrificed and suffered for it – now it's our responsibility to revive that spirit. For the establishment of democracy, for the values of the liberation war – equality, social justice, the rule of law – we need to take a fresh oath on November 10th, Nur Hossen Day. We need to unite with new determination.

Bangla Insider: Do you have a message for the youth of today’s society?

Mohan Raihan: Today, the youth of the world need to rise against capitalism, imperialism, autocracy, and fascism. They need to break free from the culture of consumerism. The entire youth society has been indoctrinated into consumerism today. They need to awaken their consciousness against this. It's a dangerous aspect of our society. The youth of this country are now passive. The male and female students at Dhaka University don't think about it; they are silent about everything. This is a well-thought-out conspiracy, a part of the plan. Today, the youth society, the student society, has been made devoid of conscience. I believe this is an integral part of the conspiracy to make the entire nation apathetic and to divert their attention from critical issues.

Regarding the upward trend in commodity prices, Ruhin Hossen Prince, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), has stated, "We have been saying for a long time that to keep commodity prices affordable in the Bangladesh earned through the Liberation War, the entire system needs to change. It is necessary to establish national initiatives to create warehouses for essential goods. Considering the international situation and the potential crisis in certain commodities, these issues need to be addressed proactively."

Ruhin Hossen Prince discussed various topics with Bangla Insider, including the upward trend in commodity prices and CPB's calls for strikes and protests. Md. Oliul Islam, a Staff correspondent for Bengali Insider, conducted the interview for the benefit of the readers. 

Regarding commodity price increases, Prince mentioned that the government has entirely failed to control the prices of commodities. It's evident that despite the government's efforts, the situation regarding rice and other essential daily commodities produced in the country has not improved. In addition, the transportation sector has not been able to curb price hikes. Furthermore, the prices of commodities have risen significantly due to hoarding by traders.

He continued, "The government has confiscated grains from those who import about five to six essential goods, and they are trying to control prices behind these individuals. We have been saying this for a long time. Alongside this, the government has raised gas prices, and plans to increase it further. Additionally, there are plans to increase electricity prices, and discussions are ongoing about raising water prices. If this continues, the prices of commodities will rise even more. It is unbearable for the people." 

He further mentioned that fair price shops must be established everywhere, and the rationing system should also be implemented. The government is not yet carrying out these tasks. Sometimes, they try to control the situation by supplying medicines and essential goods. However, this results in people's pockets being drained. On the other hand, unscrupulous businessmen are making profits. This is why we were compelled to call for a strike on the 28th.

Regarding the conflict within the Awami League at the party conference in Rajshahi, Awami League's Joint General Secretary A.F.M. Bahauddin Nasim has stated that the Awami League is a major political party where competition exists among its leaders and workers. Through the conference, we identify and promote young, capable, courageous, honest, and dedicated leaders. Occasionally, there are individuals who, at times, are hybrid and sometimes try to enter the party with opportunistic motives, disrupting the party discipline.

A.F.M. Bahauddin Nasim spoke to Bangla Insider on various topics, including the internal conflicts, rivalries, hybrids, and infiltrators among Awami League leaders and workers during a conference. For the benefit of the readers, Md. Oliul Islam, a Staff correspondent for Bengali Insider, conducted the interview.

Regarding hybrids and infiltrators, Bahauddin Nasim mentioned that in the case of hybrids and infiltrators, they are controlled within our organizational process, adhering to our constitutional rules and regulations. The policy and principles of the Awami League determine the placement of leaders and workers. The party's commitments are significant in this context. We do not indulge in promoting individuals who disrupt the party's image or discipline, and if necessary, we also resort to external measures. This process is ongoing in the Awami League.

He further mentioned that the internal conflict within the Awami League is not widespread or deep-rooted. Such incidents occasionally occur in some places. However, these are isolated events and are dealt with according to our national laws. These events do not pose a significant challenge as the Awami League has the capability to handle them.

Bahauddin Nasim emphasized that the Awami League's internal conflicts are not continuous or severe. Such incidents occur in isolated instances. As the Awami League, we follow our organizational rules and regulations in dealing with these situations.

Regarding the regular conferences within the Trinamool, Bahauddin Nasim stated that indiscipline is not prevalent everywhere. It occurs in certain places. Perhaps leaders try to maintain their positions in leadership by holding onto their territories. Since they have the fear of losing their positions if they lose in a new conference, that fear leads to such occurrences. However, many think that they have been selected for three years, and what harm can come after one year! This one year is utilized for the party's benefit. Sometimes, the desire to work is also born out of self-interest.

In a discussion with Khushi Kabir, a social activist, women's rights advocate, and environmentalist, shared her insights on the recent election and the role of the Election Commission. She emphasized that during our presence at the recent election, we discussed various aspects of upcoming elections, particularly focusing on the current situation and potential changes. However, opinions may vary on these matters. Some divergence is expected in our conversations.

Khushi Kabir mentioned that the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and other members of the Election Commission have been attentive and receptive to our discussions, considering them of utmost importance. The primary topic of conversation revolved around how to restore people's faith in elections.

In a private conversation with Bangla Insider, Khushi Kabir talked extensively about various issues related to the upcoming national election. For the readers, Khushi Kabir's interview has been conducted by Bangla Insider’s Staff Correspondent Md. Oliul Islam.

Khushi Kabir stated that when people go to vote, they should do so without fear and with confidence in the Election Commission's ability to ensure their safety. They emphasized the need for the Election Commission to function impartially as an institution. Since they do not work under any partisan government, they are a national institution. They must adhere to the national and constitutional rules and regulations. There is some controversy regarding whether these laws are sufficient, but my point is that we must work with what we have. Everything that exists should be acknowledged, and if the election takes place, it can be done correctly. These were the topics of discussion.

Khushi Kabir further expressed that personally, they firmly believe that religion should not be used in elections. Since it exists in elections, it should be stopped. In addition to this, scrutinizing candidates and taking action against electoral misconduct should be part of the Election Commission's responsibilities. If violence occurs at any location or if a situation arises, the Commission should also monitor and control such situations, as seen in events like the Subarnachar incident, the violence of 2001, or the events of 2008. Taking action against electoral misconduct is crucial.

Regarding the administration's role during elections, Khushi Kabir stated that this is also an important issue. There is no question of using the DCs for elections. Now, it's up to the Election Commission to decide who they will entrust with responsibilities. The main point is that the Election Commission should maintain its existence and independence to ensure that elections are conducted correctly. I have also said that elections are for the people. Therefore, if people are not engaged in elections, and if they do not participate, then the election will not be trustworthy.

Khushi Kabir mentioned that during the meeting, the issue of Narayanganj City elections came up, and everyone advised the Election Commission to consider this election as a model. However, in this case, it should be noted that voters in Narayanganj are more aware compared to voters in other areas. As a result, the election was conducted fairly. To engage the people, women voters should be able to go to the polling centers without hindrance and vote for their preferred candidates. The inclusion of marginalized communities, including Dalits and indigenous people, is also crucial. Otherwise, the election will not be perfect.

Dr. Shahdeen Malik is a prominent legal expert at the Supreme Court, a constitutional specialist, and a human rights advocate. He serves as the Director of the School of Law at Brac University and is a trustee on the board of the Center for Policy Dialogue (CPD). Additionally, he is a member of the central steering committee for Citizens for Good Governance, a civil society platform dedicated to promoting transparency and accountability. In 2013, he served as a legal advisor to the Bangladesh Election Commission. His extensive expertise in election law and contemporary politics has led to an in-depth conversation with our Staff correspondent, Md. Oliul Islam.

Bangla Insider: How do you perceive the recent formation of the Election Commission under the new law?

Dr. Shahdeen Malik: There has been much debate surrounding the formation of the Election Commission under the new law. In all laws, the first section is titled "Title." I recently mentioned that the title of this law should be "Ensuring the Certification of Desired Outcomes in Upcoming Elections Act." This would ensure that the government remains honest in the forthcoming elections. This has indeed been implemented, and we now have the "Certification of Desired Outcomes in Upcoming Elections Act."

Bangla Insider: Why do you believe that the title of the law should be "Ensuring the Certification of Desired Outcomes in Upcoming Elections Act"?

Dr. Shahdeen Malik: The ABCs of the law are not understood by anyone. Even I am tired of explaining. Similar laws exist for institutions like the Anti-Corruption Commission, the National Human Rights Commission, and the Information Commission. In all these institutions, key appointments are made by high court judges, Supreme Court judges, and members of the Cabinet Division.

Bangla Insider: What are the issues with this approach?

Dr. Shahdeen Malik: Justice Md. Abdul Matin, a retired judge from the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, recently stated that he was a member of the Search Committee for the appointment of the first chairman of the Anti-Corruption Commission, as well as the subsequent Search Committees for the appointment of members to the Human Rights Commission and the Information Commission. They received several names and CVs from the Ministry of Law for these appointments. Justice Matin is a senior figure and he revealed these facts to a local media outlet.

Bangla Insider: But the Law Minister has said that there is no difference in the law?

Dr. Shahdeen Malik: The Law Minister hasn't read the law we drafted. We proposed this law in 2011, specifically for the Shamsul Huda Commission. Our country's main law book contains 40,000 pages. What I proposed for the Shamsul Huda Commission 10 years ago hasn't been placed on the table yet. Journalists can verify this if they wish. Then they can see where the differences lie.

Bangla Insider: Regarding the formation of the Election Commission, do you see any consensus for unity and any opportunities?

Dr. Shahdeen Malik: The law has now been passed, so there is no room for suggestions. The political parties will decide how they utilize this law. We, as civil society, analyzed the law thoroughly and proposed changes to ensure transparency in the appointment process. We will know who is being appointed and why. Unfortunately, the law does not include provisions for transparency. The law has now been passed, and there is no going back. In the past, I mentioned that the Digital Security Act should be called the "Freedom Control Act" to make it more transparent.

Bangla Insider: The national election at the end of 2023 or on January 24 is approaching. Do you foresee any uncertainties?

Dr. Shahdeen Malik: I have some suggestions for the upcoming election. It was also a part of the fourth amendment to our constitution. In March 1973, our first national parliament election was held, and according to the constitution, the term for this parliament was five years until March 1978. But in the 1975 fourth amendment, it was extended for another five years beyond that date. This historical example exists in our country. Now the situation is moving in that direction. The Union Parishad and Upazila Parishad Act states that the term for Union Parishad and Upazila Parishad elections is five years. By amending it to ten years without any fuss, the issue can be resolved!

In Bangladesh, one of the leading figures in the digital transformation and development of digital technology is Mustafa Jabbar, the Minister of Posts and Telecommunications. Through the Bijoy Keyboard and software, as well as the Bijoy Digital Education software, he has worked extensively to promote the use of the Bengali language and digital transformation in education on digital devices, making him widely known among Bengali speakers. However, despite all these recognitions, he is not limited to them. Mustafa Jabbar is a freedom fighter. Although he began writing in 1969, he has been involved in journalism since 1972. He is still very active as a journalist, contributing to various media outlets as a reporter, editor, presenter, critic, and columnist. Most recently, he has spoken with Bangla Insider about various issues, including the extension of the deadline for TeleTalk's data packages, the expansion of TeleTalk's network, and the construction and launch of the Bangabandhu Satellite-2, among others. The interview was conducted by Bangla Insider's Staff correspondent, Md. Oliul Islam.

Bangla Insider: Even though TeleTalk has extended the deadline for internet data packages, other operators have not followed suit. Won't this put TeleTalk at a disadvantage commercially? 

Mustafa Jabbar: TeleTalk is the first in the world to abolish the deadline for mobile data. In other words, there is no expiration date for data within a certain number of days. You can use it as long as you have a balance. I will use my data for as long as I have a balance. This is what the customers demand. We are implementing that demand.

Bangla Insider: Why aren't other operators implementing this system?

Mustafa Jabbar: I cannot say why other operators are not implementing this system. We do not control their packages, pricing, and so on. They will be the ones to decide whether it is good for them.

Bangla Insider: Are there any regulations in place for other operators?

Mustafa Jabbar: The regulation here is that we have requested them to provide packages without an expiration date. However, they have not introduced unlimited packages for their own commercial benefit. We have requested this from the state-owned mobile operator TeleTalk. TeleTalk has accepted our request and has removed the expiration date on internet data packages. However, others have not complied with our request.

Bangla Insider: You are the Minister of Posts and Telecommunications in the government. Are other operators outside of government control?

Mustafa Jabbar: The government cannot exert undue pressure. The extent of government control is what the government is doing. If any operator creates packages similar to their own, then I can only control as much as I have the authority to. I am controlling that to the best of my ability. However, their statement is that such a package with no expiration date does not work anywhere in the world. Since such a system is not working elsewhere, we have taken the first step ourselves. I hope they will also come on this path.

Bangla Insider: When will there be visible improvements in TeleTalk's network expansion?

Mustafa Jabbar: To improve TeleTalk's network, investments are required. I haven't brought billions of dollars from abroad like Grameenphone. I have made investments here. We will have to invest in the government as well. I have been trying for the past 18 years. Please be patient. We have a new project for TeleTalk. I hope it will be completed in 2023. At that time, there will be significant changes in the situation of TeleTalk.

Bangla Insider: Many people think that the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war may affect the construction and launch of the Bangabandhu Satellite-2. How true is this?

Mustafa Jabbar: We are monitoring the situation. The matter of the launch of Bangabandhu Satellite-2 has not been confirmed yet. A memorandum of understanding has only been signed with Russia. We will make decisions based on the situation.

Bangla Insider: Thank you for your time.