Inside Thought

Bangladesh’s election: Widely boycotted or widely accepted?

Publish: 08:56 PM, 09 Apr, 2024


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Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is reveling in her golden era. Having already held four terms with thumping mandates, she retains the laurel of the globe’s longest-serving female head of government. Her win in January, which secured her fifth term in office, has elicited a barrage of plaudits from almost all quarters in the region. Hasina presents the rare case where both rival Asian powers China and India agree on the benefits of her place at the helm. Regional powers, irrespective of ideological and political leanings, rushed to congratulate her incoming administration. However, most eyes after the January election were fixed on the United States, given its vocal democracy promotion efforts in Bangladesh as of late. While the US State Department did say that the elections were not free or fair, US officials recognized the new government and pledged to collaborate with it going forward. With the US weight lifted, Hasina’s ship now looks to be sailing in smooth seas.

Yet, some argue, that election was widely boycotted. The two principal arguments underlying this claim are that the opposition parties boycotted the election and that Bangladeshis resoundingly rejected the poll in solidarity with the opposition’s call to boycott.

Participation or boycott?
While the major opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its allies did sit out the election, not all opposition parties followed suit. Out of forty-four registered parties, twenty-seven fielded candidates. Additionally, nearly 1,900 independent candidates threw their hats in the ring for three hundred parliamentary seats. So, while the BNP’s absence resounded, reasonable multiparty competition and voter choice still transpired across multiple constituencies.

The official voter turnout reached 41.8 percent—a lower figure than in Bangladesh’s last contested election, albeit not an unprecedented low. Some see this low turnout as one indication that the opposition’s boycott reflected popular sentiment. The opposition boycott undoubtedly dampened some voter turnout. However, low participation does not necessarily indicate a blanket public rejection of the polls owing to opposition exhortations. In the run-up to the vote, the BNP’s anti-election protests degenerated into a violent crusade. BNP loyalists were found to be complicit in torching hundreds of vehicles. The BNP called for forty-eight hours of nationwide strikes and blockades on the eve of voting day. Arsonists set fire to polling booths and a train, killing four. This prevailing climate of trepidation likely caused some voters to stay at home on election day. Expanding absentee balloting could be a solution, but barring some exceptions, average citizens cannot vote by mail. Crucially, expats, who account for 10 percent of all voters, were effectively disenfranchised.

More tellingly, in constituencies where robust, competing candidates vied for seats, voter turnout topped 60 percent, suggesting genuine electoral contests did mobilize voters. Conversely, anemic turnout in some constituencies seems to have stemmed from lack of competition, not voters boycotting the election outright in solidarity with the BNP.

Confusion persists, however, over the Election Commission’s reported voter turnout statistics. The Commission initially announced a 27 percent turnout rate at its afternoon press briefing, later announcing a 41.8 percent final turnout. The Election Commission said that the lower afternoon figure was not in real time; it did not yet reflect delayed updates from all polling centers. Since Bangladesh uses a manual paper ballot system, where votes are hand counted and tallied, there were a few hours of lag in transmitting results from rural areas. This lag could explain the gap between the afternoon number and the final announced turnout. In that case, it is not true that 14 percent of the total votes would have had to have been cast in the final hour for the final given turnout to be accurate, as some commentators have stated.

And perhaps the Election Commission is right. But with the seeds of doubt sown, the Election Commission could help resolve any lingering doubts by publishing a detailed breakdown of hourly vote counts from all polling stations. Such transparency would provide definitive clarity on the turnout question that confused some observers.

Is Bangladesh a one-party state?
As Bangladesh charts its course following another landslide election victory for the ruling Awami League (AL), some critics warn that the country is sliding toward effective one-party rule. With AL sweeping 223 seats and its loyalist independents winning 62 more—making 95 percent of elected members broadly aligned with the ruling party—they argue that no meaningful opposition exists in parliament.

But there are a couple of problems here. First, dismissing independent members of parliament simply as AL lapdogs overlooks intricacies within Bangladesh’s political landscape. All independents prevailed after intense electoral combat with AL candidates. They will enjoy unchecked freedom to wield their votes and voices in the parliament. Article 70 of Bangladesh’s constitution prohibits members of parliament from voting against their party. But as independent candidates lacking formal party affiliation, they are immune from this restriction. In this context, the AL merits praise for taking affirmative steps to foster electoral competition and pluralism, despite lacking a formidable challenger. The AL, by allowing senior party figures to compete as independents, certainly risked potential intraparty discord. Yet, it prioritized providing voters with genuine electoral alternatives and widening the diversity of voices in parliament.

Additionally, a party achieving an overwhelming parliamentary majority through an electoral process does not equate to a one-party state. In the past, the AL and the BNP have held similar supermajorities without making Bangladesh a one-party state. Similarly, India and Japan have experienced one-party dominance without losing multiparty democracy. The key question is whether the AL orchestrated this supermajority parliament or if it was an inevitable outcome given the BNP’s election boycott.

The BNP would argue the former—that there was never a level playing field and that the crackdown and mass arrest of BNP leaders after the October 28 rally precluded any chance of a fair election, deterring their participation. However, even by October 28, the BNP had already rendered itself irrelevant to the polls by refusing participation. The October 28 protest sought to obstruct an election to called by the Election Commission in mid-November. Thus, law enforcement—at that point under the Commission’s authority—used force to halt the turmoil and ensure the election proceeded. Therefore, the state’s response to the rally should not be construed as barring the BNP’s electoral participation. The disproportionate use of force merits separate evaluation, but it is better viewed through a law-and-order lens rather than an electoral one.

Accountability starts with showing up
Rather than making alarmist claims of creeping authoritarianism, observers should have asked why the primary opposition, the BNP, forfeited the field. Just as the government warrants scrutiny for proportionality of force, the BNP should be held accountable for executing its democratic duties.

As a major political party representing 170 million people, the BNP had a duty to give voice to voters in parliament. By boycotting the election over hypothetical unfairness, they severely undermined democratic processes and disregarded people’s right to meaningful electoral choice. Even if the BNP’s claims are taken at face value that elections under the AL have no precedent of being free and fair, the demand to reinstate a caretaker government still lacks foundation. Bangladesh’s supreme court ruled it unconstitutional in May 2011. Moreover, the previous caretaker system overstayed its mandate, invoked a national emergency, and imprisoned leaders across party lines.

The boycott only assisted the incumbent AL. This squandered the chance for punitive international actions and domestic resistance had the BNP participated and electoral fraud still demonstrably occurred. As such, one could conclude that the BNP pinned higher hopes on spurring a constitutional crisis amid caretaker rule than pursuing a public mandate through elections. Through this self-defeating gambit, the BNP catapulted the AL into power, even as questions linger over the ruling party’s commitment to democratic fairness.

Gautam Lahiri is the president of Press Club of India. He served as Bangladesh as an independent foreign observer of the 2024 general elections in Bangladesh.


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Inside Thought

All the achievements of Bangladesh since 1981 are the achievements of Sheikh Hasina

Publish: 09:13 AM, 16 May, 2024


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From May 17, 1981, to May 17, 2023, in the span of these 42 years, Bangladesh has seen a singular journey led by Philosophical Statesperson Sheikh Hasina. Throughout these 42 years, Bangladeshi politics, economy, and social development have revolved around one figure, Sheikh Hasina. The main protagonist of Bangladesh's aspirations and struggles in these 42 years has been the Philosophical Statesperson Sheikh Hasina. And those who opposed independence and were the defeated forces of '71 and '75, have emerged as new villains in the history of these 42 years. The Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, had a specific goal in liberating Bangladesh. He aspired for a hunger-free, poverty-free, and non-communal progressive Bangladesh. We call it the Sonar Bangla in one word. On March 7th, the Father of the Nation spoke about two things. One was the struggle for independence, and the other was the struggle for liberation. Through the victory on December 16, 1971, we achieved our independence. We obtained the territory of Bangladesh. We earned the flag soaked in blood. And from January 10, 1972, began the struggle for liberation in Bangladesh. Bangabandhu had several short-term, medium-term, and long-term plans towards the reconstruction of Sonar Bangla. But on August 15, 1975, the Father of the Nation was brutally assassinated with his family. It was not just one President or the Father of the Nation who was killed, but rather our dream was assassinated. Bangladesh was essentially murdered. And that's why I consider May 17, 1981, as the declaration of the second liberation war of Bangladesh. Bangladesh had transformed into a dependent, subordinate, and despair-ridden failed state since 1975. Until the beginning of 1996, Bangladesh was established as a failed state, and those in power tried various means to establish it. And visionary stateswoman Sheikh Hasina, since returning to the country on May 17, 1981, initiated the struggle that became known as the Restoration of Sonar Bangla. It was a struggle to establish the consciousness of the Liberation War, the struggle to establish human rights. And the path to this struggle was not easy. She had to be fight in every moment and at every step.

In these 42 years, everything Bangladesh has achieved, its accomplishments, its character, everything is a testament to the philosophical statesperson Sheikh Hasina. She has taken Bangladesh to a place in these 42 years where Bangladesh signifies Sheikh Hasina. Without Sheikh Hasina, it is unimaginable to think of Bangladesh now. And here lies the rationality, the significance of Sheikh Hasina's initiative. In 1981, when she came to Bangladesh, what was Bangladesh like? There was curfew at night, thousands of people were in jail, people were being killed without trial. Basic human rights of people were absent. The Constitution was being shredded and distorted. Extrajudicial killings were rampant. And it was for this reason that Sheikh Hasina, the philosophical statesperson, upon returning to her homeland, initiated the struggle for the rights of the people. In the journey of that struggle, she called for the downfall of autocracy. Under her leadership, the main movement for democracy in Bangladesh took shape. It was through this movement that we bid farewell to autocracy. However, even after a democratically elected government took power, attempts were made to undermine the people's right to vote in 1991. Once again, the black mark fell upon the fundamental human rights of the people. It was at this time that the visionary statesperson Sheikh Hasina initiated a new movement. In 1996, she brought the Bangladesh Awami League, the leading party in the Liberation War, to power after 21 years. From there began the transformation of Bangladesh, spearheaded by Sheikh Hasina. The initiatives taken by Sheikh Hasina were not limited to just infrastructure or governance responsibilities. If we analyze her tenure from 1996 to 2001, we will see that through thousands of initiatives like My House, My Farm, Ashrayan, community clinics, elderly allowances, widow allowances, and many more, she has ensured the establishment of an equal right in terms of development just as he sang the song of liberating discrimination. Most importantly, she has aimed to establish the empowerment of the people.

The Sheikh Hasina Initiative is not just for community clinics. The Sheikh Hasina Initiative is for Bangladesh. And by approving the Community Clinic as the Sheikh Hasina Initiative, the United Nations has clarified a matter: that she is an unparalleled leader, a global leader. There is no equivalent leader in the world at this moment. No head of government has been recognized by the United Nations in this way. The United Nations had received two proposals from Sheikh Hasina. The first was in 2012, where she was unanimously accepted for her vision of peace and empowerment of the people. And in 2023, the Community Clinic was accepted as part of the Sheikh Hasina Initiative. We can easily assume how much intellectual, visionary, and wise a statesman should be for her vision to be embraced at a global forum. Therefore, on May 17, the day of the return of our homeland's leader Sheikh Hasina, our main responsibility will be to awaken, manage, and implement the Sheikh Hasina Initiative, starting from the grassroots to the highest echelons, to realize the Sheikh Hasina Initiative in its true sense. Only then can we see a truly developed Bangladesh, the Bangladesh envisioned by the Father of the Nation and the humble philosopher-statesman Sheikh Hasina.



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Inside Thought

Sheikh Hasina is the architect of this changing Bangladesh


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On the 15th of August, 1975, the nation was directionless in the aftermath of the tragic event. In this infernal incident, people were left bewildered. There was no courage to protest or resist. Many prominent leaders of the party were duty-bound but misguided. The house at Dhanmondi 32 were silent as graves. The entire nation was then engulfed in darkness. Military boots trampled over democracy. The constitution and people's fundamental rights were displaced by exile. Even the mention of Bangabandhu's name was prohibited. At that time, neither the contemporary radio nor television dared to utter Bangabandhu's name. The country was led astray.

The Bangladesh that was born in 1971 was lost by 1975. Throughout the country, there was only despair and disbelief. Six years after being in exile, the leader Sheikh Hasina returned to her homeland Bangladesh on May 17, 1981, without fear or hesitation, leaving behind many risks and keeping her family members abroad.

When she returned to the country, an unprecedented scene unfolded. I still vividly remember how people were ecstatic and elated upon seeing her. Their eyes were filled with joy. She came as a beacon of hope, bringing with her the flicker of light. She emerged as the symbol of everyone's hopes and aspirations, the epitome of trustworthiness. She stood as the address of credibility when the corridors of power were plagued with mistrust. The path of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was not easy upon coming to power in the country. It wasn't smooth, nor was it without challenges. However, she, disregarding all obstacles and adversities, established Bangladesh as a progressive and self-reliant nation through her intelligence, skill, dedication, integrity, competence, wisdom, creativity, and visionary leadership in the broad democratic perspective. The people regain all their rights. By the boundless grace of Allah, we have found a leader in Sheikh Hasina. Just as Bangabandhu created Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina has transformed it. As long as Bangladesh remains in the hands of Sheikh Hasina, the country will not lose its way. 



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Inside Thought

Sheikh Hasina, the home of 18 crore people


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In 1781, amidst the treacherous betrayal by Mir Jafar, one of the most detested generals in history, Bengal bid farewell to Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah, marking the onset of a 200-year-long colonial subjugation. Though India gained independence in 1947, Bengalis and Bangladeshis did not taste freedom. Then Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the father of the nation, emerged as a hero and beacon of hope for all the Bengalis. From 1971 to the '75, the crimson flag of independence soared high, igniting the hearts of Bengalis with hope. Yet, the modern-day Mir Jafars, by assassinating the father of the nation, clouded the consciousness of independence. Fortunately, Bangabandhu's privileged daughters Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana survived because they were abroad. Despite not committing any injustice, they were obstructed from returning to Bangladesh. Due to the military ruler and governance, she had to bear the burden of exile. But the helpless, elderly, and oppressed people of the country, can gauge the authentic affection of Sheikh Hasina through the barometer of their hearts.

Hence, Sheikh Hasina's return to the country on May 17, 1981, brought a beacon of hope to the nation's people. The wheel of development of Bengalis' destiny is now moving rapidly in the right direction towards the right destination. On May 17, 1981, the day she set foot on the soil of Bengal, her path was somewhat thorny. Even an ordinary citizen had the right to enter their own home, their father's home. But Sheikh Hasina's right was curtailed. On May 17, 1981, upon setting foot on the soil of her homeland, Sheikh Hasina had two files on her heart's table. One file contained the tragic tale of the loss of her father, along with other family members, on August 15, 1975, and the subsequent trials. The other file depicted the realization of Bangabandhu's dream—the development of a golden Bengal and the progress of the Bengali nation. If Sheikh Hasina hadn't returned to the country on May 17, 1981, the destiny of the Bengali nation would never have seen the light; it would have lingered in perpetual darkness. That's why the people of Bengal hold onto a slogan: “Sheikh Hasina, the home of 18 crore people



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Inside Thought

Today, the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina cannot be sidelined by the global community


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Today, we are talking about May 17th, the day when the honorable Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina returned to her homeland. Again, last year on this day, the brain child of Sheikh Hasina, the Community Clinic was recognized by the United Nations as 'The Sheikh Hasina Initiative'. Today, we are talking about Digital Bangladesh, we are talking about the developed Bangladesh, we are talking about the smart Bangladesh that we dream of, the dream of an advanced Bangladesh, all of these are the Sheikh Hasina initiative.

We want to remember the day she returned to the country, a day of eager anticipation for all Bengalis. People welcomed Bangabandhu's daughter without any reservations on that day. However, on that day, she couldn't enter her house at 32 Dhanmondi. She wanted to observe Milad, wanted to enter her house, but she couldn't. Despite facing so much injustice and obstacles, today she has not only become the leader of Bangladesh but has also transformed into a global leader. Today, the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina cannot be sidelined by the global community. Even if some fail to recognize the importance of a Prime Minister in Bangladesh, they cannot ignore Sheikh Hasina. Because she is Sheikh Hasina, she is Bangabandhu's daughter. The development of Bangladesh under her leadership, the dreams she holds, is a wonder to all. Today, even Pakistanis say, "Let us make Bangladesh."

After coming to power in 1996, Sheikh Hasina established community clinics to deliver health services to the people's doorsteps. An initiative like the Community Clinic was never thought of. It was completely Sheikh Hasina's idea. But with the change of government, the BNP-Jamaat alliance came to power and closed the community clinic. With the closure of community clinics, the rural people was deprived of primary healthcare. Upon returning to power, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina restarted these clinics. The United Nations has taken it as a model and has endorsed it as 'The Sheikh Hasina Initiative'. Today, it is understood how much of an innovation it actually was. Sheikh Hasina's initiative is now desired to be followed by other countries. 



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Inside Thought

Community Clinic is the 'Light House' for people seeking primary health care


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Community clinics serve as an indispensable, unique, and transformative model for delivering healthcare services, especially to underserved rural communities. They represent an exceptional initiative in providing healthcare services to children, maternal health, and adolescents. The community clinic model has begun to be emulated in various countries worldwide, particularly in reducing neonatal and maternal mortality rates. On May 17 last year, community clinics received recognition as "The Sheikh Hasina Initiative" by the United Nations.


The "Community Clinic" stands as a beacon of hope for the masses aspiring for primary healthcare services. In a short span, the community clinic has transformed into a vital institution for deprived individuals. The coalition government of BNP-Jamaat closed down community clinics upon assuming power. In 2009, with massive public support, the Philosophical Statesperson Sheikh Hasina formed the government again. To ensure no future setbacks for community clinics, Sheikh Hasina has involved the people with this institution. Currently, the 'lighthouse' of health services is being built through partnership. where the people provide the land, and the government builds the infrastructure. The entire operation of the community clinic is being managed digitally. The Prime Minister's initiative means a smart initiative. The innovation of Sheikh Hasina translates to people-centric programs. Community clinics are reshaping rural demographics. In building a Smart Bangladesh, community clinics play a crucial role.



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